Keep your finger on Indonesia’s pulse

Malaysia and the rest of Asean must watch Indonesian economy carefully to maintain stability.

Indonesia has long been regarded as the economic anchor of Southeast Asia.

It is the lynchpin of the region, pivotal to the future development of Asean too.

As Asean’s largest economy, most populous nation, and only G20 member, its success is closely tied to the prosperity of the wider region.

That is why recent developments in Indonesia deserve careful attention from Malaysia and the rest of Asean.

The issue is not merely that its currency has weakened beyond 18,000 rupiah against the US dollar or that Indonesia’s stock market has reportedly fallen by as much as 36% from recent highs.

Rather, Indonesia is facing a broader test of its economic model at a time of slowing growth, tightening fiscal constraints, and ambitious efforts to reshape the management of its natural resources. The symbolism of the rupiah’s decline should not be underestimated.

During the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-1998, the currency collapsed from around 2,500 rupiah to more than 17,000 rupiah against the US dollar, triggering severe economic turmoil and political change.

While Indonesia today is far stronger than it was then, investors cannot ignore the significance of the rupiah crossing a psychological threshold once associated with crisis.

Bank Indonesia has reportedly spent more than US$7 billion defending the currency while raising interest rates to stabilise markets. Yet pressures remain. The World Bank expects Indonesia’s economy to grow by only 4.7% this year.

Although respectable by global standards, it remains well below the roughly 7% growth rate many economists believe is necessary to absorb the two million Indonesians entering the workforce annually.

Indonesia therefore faces a dual challenge: maintaining macroeconomic stability while generating sufficient employment opportunities for a young and growing population.

The country also remains vulnerable to imported inflation. Most of its soybean imports are sourced from the United States, Canada, and Argentina, while much of its wheat comes from Australia.

A weaker rupiah inevitably raises the cost of these imports, increasing pressure on households and businesses.

These economic pressures coincide with a significant policy shift under President Prabowo Subianto.

Prabowo has argued that Indonesia lost as much as US$908 billion in potential state revenue between 1991 and 2024 through under-invoicing, transfer pricing, illicit financial leakages, and export earnings retained offshore.

Whether the precise figure is accepted or not, the administration’s thinking is clear.

Jakarta wants to retain a greater share of the wealth generated by Indonesia’s vast reserves of coal, palm oil, nickel, ferroalloys, and other strategic commodities.

Central to this effort is PT Danantara, the state’s sovereign investment and strategic development vehicle.

Strategic commodities are expected to be managed through a more centralised framework, reflecting a move toward a more state-guided model of economic development.

Supporters note that Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and China all relied on varying combinations of state guidance and market forces during their industrialisation.

Yet investors are asking whether Indonesia can expand the role of the state without undermining market confidence.

This concern is increasingly evident among exporters, miners, commodity traders, and foreign buyers.

Questions remain over pricing mechanisms, export procedures, contract structures, and foreign-exchange settlements.

Even the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia has reportedly called for greater clarity regarding implementation.

Such concerns matter. China remains one of Indonesia’s largest investors and trading partners, particularly in mining, nickel processing, manufacturing, and infrastructure.

If investors from mainland China are seeking reassurance, uncertainty is clearly extending beyond domestic markets.

Compounding these concerns is Indonesia’s fiscal position.

Since the Asian Financial Crisis, fiscal credibility has rested on a statutory budget deficit ceiling of 3% of GDP.

Yet the deficit reportedly reached 2.92% in 2025, leaving little room for maneuver in 2026.

The government therefore faces a delicate balancing act. It seeks stronger growth, greater state involvement, expanded strategic investments, and enhanced social spending while maintaining fiscal discipline and market confidence.

Some analysts, including Indonesian businessman John Rachmat of Pinnacle Investment, have warned that investors are increasingly concerned about whether Indonesia’s reputation for fiscal prudence and policy predictability may be weakening.

The danger is not an immediate crisis but the emergence of a financial “doom loop” in which a weaker currency erodes confidence, triggers capital outflows, raises inflation, and forces tighter monetary policy that slows growth further.

Indonesia is not trapped in such a cycle today.

Its banking system remains stronger than in 1998, public debt is manageable, foreign-exchange reserves remain substantial, and the country retains enormous resource wealth and a large domestic market.

Yet confidence remains one of the most valuable assets any economy possesses.

For Malaysia and Asean, the stakes are high. Indonesia accounts for roughly 40% of Asean’s population and economic output.

Prolonged uncertainty there could influence how global investors view Southeast Asia as a whole.

The challenge faced by Indonesia is therefore larger than defending the rupiah.

It is about maintaining fiscal credibility, restoring investor confidence, capturing greater value from natural resources, and generating the growth needed to create opportunities for millions of new workers.

Whether Indonesia succeeds will matter far beyond Jakarta.

Malaysia and Asean must therefore watch developments carefully — not because failure is inevitable, but because Indonesia’s success remains indispensable to the future prosperity, stability, and strategic relevance of Southeast Asia.

 

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.